However, as in other sub-Saharan African countries, class domination and “Big Man” syndrome complicate the fall of South Sudan and exclude from the centre of power those considered “marginals”. Class politics seems to be living the political elites of South Sudan from the violent rise to power (Madut 2013:3); Pospieszna and Schneider 2013:50; Pinaud 2014:197). Pa`gan Okiech (2016:10) rebuilt as a kleptocratic regime in Juba. The debate on a form of kleptocratic governance is well understood when it is incorporated into the principles of the consumption of power-sharing. In addition to power-sharing, the consonator is based on three other principles: autonomy and autonomy, proportionality and the right of veto. The principle of self-management dictates that each group enjoys a certain degree of autonomy in the conflict. In culturally divided societies, where belligerents are concerned with identities, there should be a regulation of autonomy on issues of cultural interest. Andele Jinadu (1985:75) notes that this theory also provides a basis for the development and use of mechanisms for regulating consocial conflicts. However, a conflict-regulating mechanism can lead to a policy of affirmative action to consolidate the dominance of the elite by a class political group based on ethnic origin. DMITRY A. POLYANSKIY (Russian Federation), noting that South Sudan is at a critical point in its young life, welcomed the demonstration of President Kiir`s political will and Mr.
Machar`s decision to assume the post of First Vice-President, and said that his actions had paved the way for efforts to resolve broader socio-economic challenges. The parties must be prepared to overcome their differences through dialogue, he said, stressing that only full and comprehensive implementation of their commitments will strengthen mutual trust and prevent past mistakes from happening again. With the general decline in violence since the signing of the 2018 peace agreement, he said it had helped many refugees return home. He called on the parties to continue to respect the ceasefire agreement and the non-signatories who must join the peace process and stressed that it should be managed in the first place by regional actors, in accordance with the principle of “African solutions to African problems”. This approach, not the imposition of sanctions, has led to the progress made today, he stressed, calling on the Council to carry out an assessment of its sanctions regime in order to adapt it to the conditions on the ground. With regard to the political front, she welcomed the growing influence of civil society actors, including women-led organizations, throughout the peace process, their support for compromise and their commitment to greater representation of women. “South Sudanese women fought hard for the peace agreement to come to life and continue,” she said, noting, however, that they were still far from reaching the 35% quota of women`s representation in the transitional government of national unity, particularly at the state level, where no women are on the list of future governors being negotiated. She presented the recommendations to the Council and said that members could strengthen their support for the South Sudanese people by maintaining a full diplomatic commitment and by making the parties impressed by the fact that those on the international sanctions lists should not be included in the new government. This period of political entropy is a manifestation of errors of appreciation on the part of both the government and the SPLM-IO (in opposition) that lead to a confusing environment where an effective response based on the sharing of power leads to a zero-sum apathy of the so-called peace negotiators.